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The E.U. Iran Policy_英语万花筒

 

  the e.u. iran policy: a multilateral approach

  欧盟多边主义的实验田

 环顾全球,中东地区似乎永远是一个是非之地:巴以冲突似乎就没有停息过,战争也不能解决伊拉克的问题,该地区的反美情绪日益高涨。然而,一个新的苗头却又开始在这个地区酝酿起来——伊朗的核实验问题。而伴随着这个问题的发展,出现一个新的现象,即欧洲大国开始与美国

 并驾齐驱地介入这个问题。不同于美国的是,这些欧洲大国采取的是多边主义方式……

 as 2004 came to an end the world had a lot of news stories to pay attention to. bush's second term, arafat's passing and the electoral crisis in the ukraine all dominated our t.v. screens and newspapers. in the middle of all this something else occurred that was equally significant. three european countries, germany, france and britain, acting together and ignoring the u.s., managed to make a deal with iran on its uranium processing programme.

 当今年落下帷幕,全球有许多新闻报道都值得关注。电视上和报纸上充斥的全是布什的第二任期、阿拉法特的过世以及乌克兰的大选危机等报道。在这其中,还发生了一件同等重要的事情。三个欧洲国家——德国、法国和英国采取联合行动,置美国于不顾,设法与伊朗就其铀加工达成了一项协议。

 the issue of iran and its possible intention to develop nuclear weapons had built momentum through the year. by the start of last year, when american congressional members visited tehran, it seemed that a thaw in u.s.-iran relations was possible. the u.s. knows that iranian support would make its tasks in iraq, afghanistan and the middle east easier, while the iranian government could use the popularity at home that american investment would generate. but as the year moved on revelations that iran had been deceiving the rest of the world about its nuclear experiments put an end to any hope of u.s.-iran rapprochement.

 伊朗及其可能想发展核武器的问题在过去一年中越闹越大。去年伊始,当美国国会议员访问德黑兰之时,美伊关系出现解冻似乎成为可能。美国明白,伊朗的支持将使其在伊拉克、阿富汗和中东开展行动时更加从容,而美国的投资则会使伊朗政府得到其需要的国内支持。但是这一年中,随着时间的推移,伊朗一直向全球其它国家隐瞒其核试验一事终被曝光,这使恢复美伊关系的希望成为泡影。

 are the iranians planning to develop a nuclear bomb? the americans certainly think so and iran has every motive to do so. israel has nuclear weapons and has no intention of signing the non-proliferation treaty. both the u.s. and the u.k. appear to be contemplating restarting nuclear weapons programmes and iran is surrounded by american military bases. having nuclear weapons would put iran in a much securer position.

 伊朗人打算发展核弹吗?美国人肯定是这么认为的,而伊朗也完全有这样去做的动机。以色列是拥有核武器的,而且并不打算签署核不扩散条约。美国和英国也似乎都在考虑着重新启动核武器,而伊朗则处在美国军事基地的包围之中。拥有核武器将使伊朗处于一个更为安全的境地。

 to make matters more complicated, the iaea, the organisation that is supposed to halt proliferation, is in fact aiding it. this is due to a belief that countries can benefit from developing nuclear power without developing nuclear weapons. the scientific evidence used to prove that iran was building the bomb in 2004 is very shaky. enriching uranium and producing heavy water could be used to build weapons. these processes could also be used to develop nuclear power generators.

 使事情更趋复杂的是,理应制止核扩散的国际原子能机构却在事实上为此提供帮助。其原因要归咎于一种看法,即各国在不发展核武器的前提下可以从开发核能源中受益。用于证明伊朗一直在今年发展核弹的依据是极不可靠的。对铀进行浓缩和制造重水是可以用来制造武器的。而这些工序也可以用来开发核能发电机。

 by the summer of 2004, we were faced with a situation similar to that of two years before. the attempts of the u.s. to create pressures for action against iran were more than reminiscent of the build up to the invasion of iraq and the issue of saddam's alleged weapons of mass destruction. behind the intelligence reports are neo-conservative americans with one aim in mind: regime change.

 到了今年夏的时候,我们所面对的形势与两年前的时势是相似的。美国的企图是,为对伊朗采取行动施加压力,而这更多地让人回想起为入侵伊拉克所做的准备以及萨达姆所谓的大规模杀伤性武器问题。而隐藏在这些情报报告之后的则是那些奉行新保守主义的美国人,他们心中的目标只有一个:政权更迭。

 with its troops tied up in iraq and afghanistan, the u.s. ① is in no position to send in ground troops to vent its frustration with tehran. during the summer, they hinted, instead, that they would use special forces and air strikes to target the offending facilities. interestingly, the u.k. did not follow their american allies on this one, choosing instead to ②side with the 'old' european countries of germany and france. their talks with the iranians looked like they had ended in failure by the end of the summer with both sides accusing the other of bad faith.

 

 由于其军队被牵制在伊拉克和阿富汗,所以美国无法派遣地面部队来排解德黑兰方面给其造成的受挫情绪。因而在今年夏天,他们转而暗示说,他们将动用特种部队和采取空袭的方式来攻击那些惹人不快的设施。有意思的是,在这一点上,英国并没有追随他们的美国盟友,而是选择与德国和法国这两个“老”欧洲国家站到一起。而它们与伊朗进行的谈判好像在今年夏天以其失败告终,因为双方都指责对方毫无诚信可言。

 nonetheless, the e.u. troika persevered, despite u.s. scepticism at their approach. the failure of the iraq invasion to bring stability to the region is a powerful reason to avoid another war. if the u.s. carried out air strikes on iran, or worse still, if they sub-contracted this task to israel, it would definitely increase anti-western sentiment in the middle east and possibly destabilize the entire region.

 然而,欧盟的这三驾马车没有动摇,即使美国对它们的方式持怀疑态度。侵犯伊拉克以便给该地区带来安定的策略归于失败,而这就是避免另一场战争的有力依据。如果美国对伊朗发动空袭或者采取更甚一筹的

  


行动,如果他们把这一任务转交给以色列来处理,那么这必将使中东地区的反西方情绪高涨,并有可能破坏该地区的稳定。

 in november their efforts were rewarded with some results by managing to persuade iran to stop processing uranium. europe has realised that if it is to have any significant role in international affairs it has to act with a common strategy. regardless if this policy of engaging iran is successful in the long run or not, it is important to try and significant that britain is cooperating with continental europe to do so.

 11月的时候,由于他们设法说服了伊朗停止对铀进行加工,所以他们的努力得到了回报,出现了一些起色。欧洲已经意识到,如果它要在国际事务中发挥任何重要作用的话,那么它就必须按照协调一致的策略来行事。无论处理伊朗问题的这种策略从长远角度来看是否成功,重要的是尝试,而且英国正在与欧洲大陆合作来贯彻这一策略,这也是有意义的。

 as early as the iraq invasion there were those in the u.s. administration who were also ③gunning for iran. by 2004, the evidence that iran was developing weapons of mass destruction is much more solid than that used to justify regime change in iraq. there have been further accusations that iran shelters al-qaida terrorists. how does the u.s. view europe's involvement? mostly, american leaders have been dismissive of europe's effort claiming that the agreement only gives iran breathing space and that they can still start producing nuclear weapons at anytime in the future. how the u.s. will really react remains to be seen. bush will more than likely wait until this month, when his second-term officially starts, to make a move.

 早在入侵伊拉克的时候,在美国政府当中就有一些人同样在寻找教训伊朗的机会。今年的时候,与用于证明更迭伊拉克政权合理性的证据相比,显示伊朗正在发展大规模杀伤性武器的证据显得更加确实可靠。而且伊朗还受到了庇护“基地”组织恐怖分子的指控。美国是如何来看待欧洲的介入呢?美国的领导人中大部分对欧洲的努力不屑一顾,他们声称,签订的协议只会给伊朗提供喘息的空间,而且伊朗仍旧可以在未来的某个时间开始制造核武器。美国将如何真正做出反应尚不明朗。布什极有可能在等到本月开始后采取行动,而本月正是其第二任期的正式生效月份。

 but these events are more important than the issue of iran and nuclear weapons. could it be that the e.u. has learned from the divisions caused by the invasion of iraq? although the initiative to engage iran in a dialogue is that of germany, france and britain, the entire e.u. has expressed its support and there are further plans for a long-term aid package to iran. 2005 should reveal if their efforts will pay off or not. the outcome is a crucial test as to whether 25 countries can act in coordination in the international arena and offer a multilateral alternative to u.s. unilateralism.

 但以下这些事情比伊朗和核武器问题更加重要。欧盟会从入侵伊拉克导致的分裂结果中吸取教训吗?虽然主动开展与伊朗的对话的是德国、法国和英国,但整个欧盟都予以了支持,而且还进一步规划着向伊朗提供长期的一揽子援助。他们的努力是否得到回报将在今年见分晓。这一结果至关重要,因为它将检验(欧盟)25个国家是否能在国际舞台上协同行动,并提供一个不同于美国单边主义的多边主义处事方式。

 知识链接

 1 “bomb”的原意思是“炸弹”,但是当前面加上一个“the”之后,就特指“原子弹”了。

 2 伊朗问题的由来

 伊朗的核计划开始于20世纪50年代后期。当时伊朗巴列维王朝与美国及西方国家关系密切,核技术大部分从这些国家引进。1974年伊朗开始修建核电站等核能利用项目。1979年伊朗爆发伊斯兰革命后,伊朗的核电站等核能陷于停滞状态。1988年两伊战争结束后,伊朗开始经济重建,恢复和发展核能源成为伊朗政府的一个重要议题。

 美国自1980年与伊朗断交以来,曾多次指责伊朗以“和平利用核能”为掩护秘密发展核武器,并一直对其采取“遏制”政策。为了表明其和平开发利用核能的诚意,消除美国及国际社会的疑虑,伊朗主动邀请国际原子能机构总干事巴拉迪及有关专家访问伊朗。但核查一事一波三折,问题不断。伊朗难与国际社会达成双方均满意的协议。而欧洲大国在看到伊拉克战争的后果后加紧了对伊朗问题的和平解决力度,避免美国对其动武。